The "special" relationship between the United States and Israel

B. Failure of internal Israeli flexibility, consensus

C. Projected future shifts in Ameri crapper opinion

D. Increasing claims from Arabs for tint treatment by US

The purpose of this research is to examine united States foreign policy with Israel, from 1986 to the present time. The plan of the research get out be to explore dealing between the joined States and Israel both intrinsically, and with reference to other countries of the Middle East. In particular, two areas of psychometric test will be emphasized: (1) the changing pattern of relations between the fall in States and Israel due to Ameri send packing relations with Arab nations of the region, much(prenominal) as the issues surrounding American arms sales to the Arabs, and (2) the scope and limit of Israeli and American involvement in the 1990-1991 contend in the Middle East. Time-sensitive documents such as radicalspaper reports will be used to track the issues involved.

The race between the United States and Israel, which is often referred to as "special" in various media, can be viewed from 1986 onward only with appropriate reference make to events occurring eld earlier, notably the famed 1967 six-day war, in which Israel's selfsufficiency as a nation was put to a decisive test. A capsulate review of the event and its implications, coming some 20 years later, sets forth the context in which the emergence of Israel in new terms occurred:

Throughout 1990, Israel prosecuted the intifada, punctuated by incidents that left Palestinian demonstrators in capital of Israel injured or dead at the hands of riot police (Diehl, 1990a). Israel likewise rejected UN requests for inspection and o'ersight of the sites of the intifada, particularly in capital of Israel, which Israel took over completely in the SixDay War as its "eternal capital." Israel viewed UN inspections as a way to limit Israel's sovereignty over the city. The task arises because the United States and UN do not recognize "Israel's designation of Jerusalem as its capital or its annexation of the eastern, Arab neighborhoods of the city. . . . For years, the U.S. position has been that the final examination status of Jerusalem the final status of Jerusalem . . .

can be determined only by negotiations" (Diehl, 1990b). These, Israel categorically refuses and insists that this is "something the Americans emergency to understand." Meanwhile, Israel's other internal political problems during 1990 were laid by Israeli officials at the foot of the United States, which, through Secretary of accede James A. Baker III sought to form a wide-ranging Middle East placidity conference. The special United States-Israeli international friendship seemed in jeopardy owing to the wreck of the conference project and to conflict between Washington and Jerusalem "on a variety of difficult issues--Jewish settlement in the occupied territories, the status of Jerusalem and the Palestine Liberation Organization's role,in the peace process--but they are also expressing their differences in tough, uncompromising language" (Frankel, 1990a, p. 17).

Spiegel, S. L. (1989, Fall). The US-Israel relationship: A framework for assessing American policy. Middle East Review, 22, 2-9.

The accompaniment that Cold War politics have played a strong role in United States-Israeli relations and in United States policy in the Middle East in general was cited earlier. Until the decline of Soviet influence in the region,
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